We need to explore the theme which calls for "worker participation" through institutionalised
schemes which may involve TU recognition. Such issues and the claims for various
participation approaches must understood by politicians, corporate policy makers
and - of course - by worker-citizens themselves.
Such questions were raised in the consultative round of the UK Government's White paper on Industrial Democracy in the mid 1970s when the Bullock (1975) Committee of Inquiry on Industrial Democracy presented, to the then Labour adminstration (Tony Benn at the Board of Trade), recommendations for employee representation on the board of firms with over 2000 employees.
It is probably safe to say that UK companies then - and today - are little interested in bringing worker representatives onto the board. The 1975 proposals were cold-shouldered by TUs who saw that such involvement ran counter to their adversarial role.
There are problems in
What is the problem that has to be fixed? Why force business people - large and small companies - to deal with TU representatives when the actual call for representation is thin.
I was around in the 1970s when in the UK there was much bru-ha about worker representation (trade union directors) on boards of companies (the Bullock report 2X plus Y) formula. This suggestion for national policy died a death. Yet HRM writers still talk of "positive benefits for German industry" and with European Directive X we are back to works councils - this time at corporate rather than "factory canteen level".
But just what decisions do worker directors on German supervisory boards REALLY get involved with? What is the evidence at all that they are anything more than just ornamental? The HRM compendium writers offer little data on this. It is almost as though they and their readers nod their little heads (on strings) and agree on "that sounds like a good idea". Can anyone throw light on this matter, suggest sources of evidence, point us in a non-rhetorical direction? If you look this up please write back to BOLA.
Proper representation of a constituency view requires a worker director to be assertive and challenging. The dnager is that with sich a member in the ranks that other executive and non-executive members will go into a huddle. Closet management reins anyway. Decisions are made away from Board meetings (behind closed doors) in dealing/negotiations between corporate coalitions.
Worker director will be in even less of a position than non-executive board members when it comes to making significant inputs into strategic decisions. Thus, behaviour that is judged effective under an interest group representation constituency perspective may in fact be ineffective from the point of view of overall impact on the board
Worker directors mustrely in data fed to them by other board members. A non-union worker director may be coopted onto the board by senior management.
Membership of the "board club" may readily led to the worker director becoming separated even socially from his/her constituency interests and views. Such possibilities are evident from Members of Parliament who stay on the back-benches to represent their consitutents rather than be sucked in to the pragmatic decisions required by members of the Cabinet who are trying to run the country.
So the imagined worker director role carries role ambiguities, tensions and conflict - the notion of representative worker involvement at board level (union or non-union) is problematic. Union ambitions are also limited, maybe because of their reduced power base and traditional and value-based aversion to being tarred with the brush of decision-making with corporate-managers. These are practical limitations.
The European approach is, for companies operating across European borders, to require an worker council (management representatives and recognised unions) if a certain % of employees want it. This council gives rights to employee representatives separate from the company's own decision making structures...rights to
More to follow - ........?